Yesterday's post chronicled the brutal history of concentration camps. But it made scarcely a mention of resistance to these facilities in societies where authoritarians have used them to crush designated enemies and those who resist.
We're not all the way there yet. For the time being, the broad resistance to Trump's detention camps should inspire us all. In jurisdictions across the country, people reject having these facilities as part of their landscape. As of today, the ICE warehouse purchase tracker, Project Salt Box, shows that DHS has bought 11 properties intended to become detention camps -- and seen 11 other acquisitions canceled because of citizen agitation.
The fatal shootings of Renee
Good and Alex Pretti during immigration enforcement actions in Minnesota
have amplified an already intense spotlight on U.S. Immigration and
Customs Enforcement, increasing scrutiny of its plans for new detention
sites.
A proposed ICE
facility just north of Richmond, Virginia, drew hundreds of people last
week to a tense public hearing of the Hanover County Board of
Supervisors.
"You want what's
happening in Minnesota to go down in our own backyard? Build that
detention center here, and that's exactly what will happen," resident
Kimberly Matthews told county officials.
As
a prospective ICE detention site became public, elected officials in
Kansas City, Missouri, scrambled to pass an ordinance aimed at blocking
it. And mayors in Oklahoma City and Salt Lake City — after raising
concerns about building permits — announced last week that property
owners won't be selling or leasing their facilities for immigration
detention.
Meanwhile,
legislatures in several Democratic-led states pressed forward with bills
aimed at blocking or discouraging ICE facilities. A New Mexico measure
targets local government agreements to detain immigrants for ICE. A
novel California proposal seeks to nudge companies running ICE
facilities out of the state by imposing a 50% tax on their proceeds.
Journalist Scott Dworkin passes along what happened in one town in rural George when ICE tried to set up a camp:
GEORGIA TOWN SLAMS THE DOOR ON ICE PRISONS
In the nearby towns of Social Circle and Oakwood, ICE prisons landed with no warning. DHS quietly bought the buildings, signed the deeds, and told local leaders only after the fact. Mayor Michael Owens saw the “calamity and unrest” that followed—and vowed Mableton wouldn’t be next.
Mayor Michael Owens
“They
are stood up much faster and a lot of times without taking into account
the burden that’s going to be placed on a local community,” he said.
The
Mableton City Council unanimously approved a moratorium on detention
centers within city limits—effective through December 31, 2028.
State
Rep. Terry Alexis Cummings backed the vote. Her statement was read into
the record at the council meeting: “Our community should not be a site
for expanding a system that too often operates with limited transparency
and accountability. Every person deserves to be treated with dignity
and our community should stand on the side of justice and human rights.”
Trump's camps are largely being built in rural areas where people voted for Trump. But lots of locals don't want to be known as where ICE put its immigrant concentration camp. The objectors won't win all these skirmishes. But every eruption of resistance makes it slower and more difficult for the Trump regime's fascist project to succeed.
Sand in the gears, folks! Detention Watch Network has a great guide to taking action against detention camps.
Is Donald Trump's gift to these disUnited States to build a national system of concentration camps? Is that what the massive new system of DHS detention warehouses ostensibly to hold victims of his immigrant cleansing policies portends? We're not used to thinking of ourselves as a concentration camp country, but perhaps we should.
Journalist Andrea Pitzer wrote a massive book that came out in 2017 that surveys the spread of these camps around the world through the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries. One Long Night: A Global History of Concentration Camps argues that internment camps are a novel feature of modernity, peculiar to our time. Should we be surprised that the backward looking Trump regime is recreating one of the recent pasts' worst features?
Pitzer defines her subject:
... The history of concentration camps circles from Cuba [under Spanish rule in 1896] around the world and back [to the USofA's Guantanamo], visiting six continents and nearly every country along the way. Camps have been in existence continuously somewhere on the globe for more than a hundred years. Barracks and barbed wire remain their most familiar symbols, but a camp is defined more by its detainees than by any physical feature. A concentration camp exists wherever a government holds groups of civilians outside the normal legal process -- sometimes to segregate people considered foreigners or outsiders, sometimes to punish.
If prisons are meant for suspects convicted of crimes after a trial, a concentration camp holds those who, most often, had no real trial at all. ... Concentration camps house civilians rather than that combatants -- though at many points, from World War I to Guantanamo, camp administrators have not always made an effort to distinguish between the two. Detainees are typically held because of their racial, cultural, religious, or political identity, not because of any prosecutable offense -- though some states have remedied this flaw by making legal existence next to impossible. Which is not to say that all detainees are innocent of criminal actions against the government in any given system; rather, the innocent and the guilty alike may be swept up without distinction or recourse.
... detention is announced as preventative, to keep a suspect group from committing potential future crimes. If mass civilian detention without trial is the defining feature of a camp, then it becomes possible to look at a whole host of categories of camps, many of which have interrelated histories over time. ... Political philosopher Hannah Arendt described concentration camps as divided into Purgatory, Hades, and Hell, moving from the netherland of internment to the labor camps of the [Soviet] Gulag and [to] Nazi death factories. But nearly all concentration camps share one feature: they extract people from one area to house them somewhere else.
It sounds like a simple concept, but both elements are distinct and important. Camps require the removal of a population from a society with all its accompanying rights, relationships, connections to humanity. This exclusion is followed by an involuntary assignment to some lesser condition or place, generally detention with other undesirables under armed guard. ...
... Concentration camps are at heart a modern phenomenon and belong in the company of the atomic bomb as one of the few advanced innovations in violence. Just as other kinds of bombs existed before nuclear devices were developed, concentration camps also had precursors, but nonetheless represented a deliberate escalation and transformation of previous tactics. In both cases, observers realized that some dangerous genie was being released from a bottle, but in neither instance would it have been possible to imagine everything that would follow.
The book, as befits its subtitle, is a historical-geographical tour of horrors, each with its peculiar national characteristics. Pitzer credits Spanish generals' doomed effort to hold on to their Cuban colony with inventing the modern form; within a few short years, the Americans who had thrown the Spaniards out of Cuba were using a similar system of civil internment to attempt to subjugate our newly acquired Philippine colony. Soon the British were replicating such camps during their imperial war against Boer Afrikaners in South Africa; nearby, German imperial authorities in Southwest Africa came close to exterminating the Herero people by forcing them into detention.
World War I saw internment of foreigners implemented widely by belligerent countries across Europe. And after that war and through the troubled decades that followed came the most widely known detention facilities -- Nazi extermination factories and the Soviet Gulag -- which usually we think of when we hear "concentration camps."
Across the globe, the long series of post-1945 decolonization struggles and internal wars across Asia in China, Korea, Vietnam, Cambodia and the Malay peninsula led to further camps run by several authorities. Concentration camps of a sort went alongside wars of liberation.
Africa was not spared. Both Algeria and Kenya were the sites of murderous concentration camps during their independence battles.
And so, Pitzer comes back the Americas, focusing on "dirty wars" on citizens who opposed right wing dictatorships in Chile and Argentina in the 1970s. She highlights the United States' experiment with internment of Japanese-origin residents and citizens during WWII and goes on to our Guantanamo camp created after 9/11.
Pitzer is a journalist, not an historian. She recounts these horrors through individual personal stories. The result is both horrifying and very partial. But just maybe, this mode is the only way we can begin to imagine the cruelties (and infrequent eruptions of kindness) that some people are willing to inflict on others under enabling circumstances.
She is well aware what her method adds and erases.
It is tempting to see the prisoners' stories braided through this book as somehow representative. In many ways, they are not. Most crucially, these are by and large stories of those who survived. In addition, the prisoners mentioned here are, on the whole, more educated, more politically active, and more likely to have been tied to networks of people inclined to help them. They often got administrative jobs, medicine from friends, or special favors.
While many concentration camps did hold intellectuals, political figures, writers, and business owners, the majority of those sent to camps across the century were poor, illiterate, or apolitical. They are the least likely people to have a chance to tell their stories, and perhaps also the least likely to end up having their stories told by someone else.The loss of their accounts necessarily makes any panoramic picture of the camps incomplete.
This book is literally weighty -- 400 plus pages. Fortunately, Pitzer offered a solid summary of her research in this six minute video interview which some may find more approachable. The interviewers are weird -- one ignorant, one pretentious -- but Pitzer knows her stuff and applies her knowledge to our present circumstances.
• • •
In case you wondered as I did, the title phrase "One Long Night" comes from an epigraph she takes from Holocaust survivor and memoirist Elie Wiesel in Night:
Never shall I forget that night, the first night in camp, that turned my life into one long night seven times sealed.
When the Supremes decided that the Orange Toddler's tariffs from last spring were illegal, the question arose whether what or who might get a refund. Many companies had raised prices hoping to make up for the hit to their bottom line from paying the duties on imported goods. Many others held tight on prices, hoping a court would free them from the levies, as it did, while nonetheless paying up in the interim. That is, as usual, Trump had left American businesses with a mess.
So now what happens to the money the Trump regime has been ordered to pay to the importers?
The federal government could now be responsible for issuing “refunds worth $175 billion,” according to the Penn Wharton Budget Model.
... While it seems likely that companies will eventually get refunds from
Trump’s tariffs, much of the cost was borne by consumers. Many companies
publicly stated that they were raising prices due to the tariffs. But
now that the tariffs are being refunded, only a few companies have
pledged to refund customers or offer discounts.
Costco is one of the few companies that has promised to pass some of the refunded tariff money back to customers.
“As
we’ve done in the past, when legal challenges have recovered charges
passed on in some form to our members, our commitment will be to find
the best way to return this value to our members,” Costco CEO Ron
Vachris said
during an earnings call last week. Vachris said that the company would
return recovered tariff money to customers “through lower prices and
better values,” but noted that “it is not yet clear what the process
will be, what refunds, if any, will be received, and when this will
happen.” Costco executives also said during the call that the company
took steps to absorb some of the increased cost caused by tariffs
instead of passing it on to customers.
In November, Costco sued the Trump administration over its tariff policies and sought refunds.
FedEx
has also pledged to refund a portion of any tariff money it receives to
customers. “Our intent is straightforward: if refunds are issued to
FedEx, we will issue refunds to the shippers and consumers who
originally bore those charges,” FedEx said in a statement
on its website. “When that will happen and the exact process for
requesting and issuing refunds will depend in part on future guidance
from the government and the court.”
It seems worth remembering who treated their customers right ...
According the Johns Hopkins Measles Tracker the US has seen 1513 measles cases this year as of March 13. (Yes, I looked on a university site; dare I trust whatever stats the federal government is offering any longer? Don't know.)
I am old enough to have vivid memories of a time when measles and chickenpox were simply considered hazards of childhood. In the 1950s, most of us got the diseases; most of us came through fine. But not everyone.
There was a little kid who lived down the street. She was several years younger, had a sister my age who was someone I played with. The family was not exactly close to mine, but a pack of us kids rioted around in each other's houses. I can still remember that family's entrance hall and front room. And then, the younger sister got sick and we were kept out of that house. Several weeks went by and we were told that the little one had died. Her illness had begun with measles; she suffered complications which I now think probably included encephalitis. And then she was gone.
The kid pack never went back to that house and I don't remember the older sister ever playing with us again.
Naturally I have no trouble believing that vaccines which prevent measles, mumps and rubella (chickenpox) and later polio (that scourge too crippled several girls in my school) are among 20th century America's best inventions.
So I was heartened to read Jonathan Cohn's shout-out to a creative intervention.
The goal of Grandparents for Vaccines is to push back against [the anti-vaccine] movement, while getting Americans thinking about what’s at stake if the trends continue. And while that’s an awful lot to ask from a group of seniors, most of them political novices still learning the finer points of social media, they have two powerful weapons for making their case: the unique moral authority of grandparents, and insights that can come only from people who have seen these scourges up close. ...
[Founder Arthur] Lavin likens the effort to what Mothers Against Drunk Driving did in the 1980s and ’90s. ...
Judging by the offerings on YouTube, the project needs more new immigrants and people of color. But if we have to do public health for ourselves without federal authorities we can trust, who better to testify than grandparents?
Uri Misgav is an Israeli journalist, publicist, lecturer, teacher and director, formerly with Haaretz, the closest thing Israel has to a mainstream opposition newspaper.
I wish
to write my opinion about the war. No filters. It's important to do
this because, heaven forbid, a missile will hit our rented apartment in
Jaffa or the shelter in the assisted living facility next door where we
run to during the incessant sirens. I'm using the free platform provided
me by Haaretz, which has been under frontal assault by the government
in recent years. It is also my right to make my civic voice heard in a
democratic country (still, ostensibly).
I
think that this is a psychotic war. One that Israel and the United
States entered led by two psychopaths. Vainglorious, narcissistic,
disconnected. They're up to their necks in political and legal trouble.
They head the two most fundamentalist and anti-democratic governments
in the history of their countries. And they have the chutzpah to preach
democracy elsewhere.
It gets worse.
At the moment, it's a deluxe war, based on bombing from an open
air corridor high above, with almost no enemy antiaircraft or jets. Or
bombing by American cruise missiles, which sometimes hit desalination
plants or a girls school.
The cannon fodder are Israelis and people in the Gulf states.
Also the
Iranian people, whom U.S. President Donald Trump and Prime Minister
Benjamin Netanyahu are encouraging to replace the ayatollahs' regime
even as they are being savagely bombed and hit by black rain after oil
depots were attacked.
And one million Lebanese who were again ordered to
evacuate their homes, or were simply unfortunate enough to live in
Beirut. Everything is supposed to give rise to "changing the face of the
Middle East for generations."
... I have a name for this war: the roaring psychos.
Mishav, for all his desperation at finding himself huddling in shelters as a consequence of the vicious stupidity of a government he despises, writes obliviously, ignoring the two million Israeli Arab citizens and the additional two and a half million residents of the occupied Palestinian West Bank. These people largely do not enjoy the same high class bomb shelters.
In the Israeli/Palestinian +972 Magazine the journalist Meron Rappaport puts the psychopaths' war in a perspective that is both closer to home and wider at the same moment.
Questioner: ... Where do you see the Palestinians in Israel, in the West Bank, in
Gaza, and the Palestinian refugees fitting in Israel’s or Netanyahu’s
plan for the region and for Iran?
Rappaport: In two words: not here. I think the
genocide and the partial ethnic cleansing in Gaza set a model that this
is possible. Or at least I think Netanyahu and his allies think it’s
possible, even if we, Israel, failed to do the total ethnic cleansing.
There are still two million Palestinians in Gaza. Yes, they live in
tents and in broken houses, but they are there. But I think it opened up
the appetite to do this, that this is possible, that the world will not
oppose, that there will be no internal opposition to that.
Of course we see that in the West
Bank, it’s still the semi-official policy in the West Bank. It’s not the
official policy — the ethnic cleansing. In Italian there is ufficiale and there is ufficioso. Ufficiale is official and ufficioso
is half-official. There is this policy in the West Bank of
half-official policy of ethnic cleansing. Still, you have to see the big
picture, it does not still succeed fully or even partially. You know,
for the communities hit in the Jordan Valley or Masafer Yatta, it’s
terrible for every community, but there are still two and a half million
Palestinians in the West Bank.
But I think this is the idea. The idea is put on the table.It
was more or less agreed upon by the army, which was previously a little
bit opposed to this kind of move. So I think that there is a
semi-official policy of ethnic cleansing and really wiping out any
opponent like Israel did in Gaza. We see it in Lebanon now really
leveling out.
The opposition leader, Yair Lapid,
said yesterday that Israel should have no alternative but to go into
South Lebanon and bring down a few villages, level down a few villages.
This really went into the bloodstream of Israeli society, not only
Netanyahu and his allies, the army, the institutions.
Of course, it will
be hard to do the same thing in Iran, 2,000 miles away and with 80
million people but what we are seeing, the bombing, the pressing now in
Tehran, other cities are leveling down. The idea is the same.
This is, I think, really here
Israel’s biggest contradiction maybe or problem. Because if this is the
thinking — that taking down the Iranian regime — if someone really
believes, and of course we put a lot of question marks on this, but
let’s say that people do believe that taking down the Iranian regime
will make it possible for Israel to live in peace in the Middle East
without giving Palestinians their rights.
If someone really believes in
this I think quite soon he will realize this is not the case. I think
Israel will learn quite quickly that it did not solve anything, that the
Palestinians are here. ...
The vocation of a genuine objector within Israeli society is lonely. +972 Magazine and Standing Together attempt the near impossible: a joint Israeli/Palestinian peace movement from within.
Much as the two psychopaths wish, Palestinians cannot be just erased from the reality of the lands of their ancestors.
Easy-to-install solar panels that plug into a regular outlet are getting attention just as Americans are worried
about rising energy costs. That's because these plug-in or balcony
solar panels start shaving off part of a homeowner's or renter's utility
bill right away.
"A year ago, nobody was talking about this,"
says Cora Stryker, co-founder of Bright Saver, a California nonprofit
group that advocates for plug-in solar. The panels are already popular
in Germany, where more than 1.2 million of the small plug-in systems are registered with the German government.
For
the panels to become more widely available in the U.S., state lawmakers
are proposing bills that eliminate complicated utility connection
agreements, which are required for larger rooftop solar installations
and, most utilities say, should apply to plug-in solar too. Those
agreements, along with permitting and other installation costs, can double the price of solar panels. ...
The utility companies which make a business of selling electricity don't like the promise of plug-in panels ...
"They don't want anyone messing with their business model," Stryker
says. "Kicking up dust regarding safety concerns is definitely a
strategy that is being used by people who don't want this for their own
self-interested reasons."
Utilities also raise potential safety issues. But they ignore that Germans have been conducting the experiment for a decade.
... with more than a million systems installed, no safety incidents have
been reported for customers who used the panels as instructed,
according to a research paper funded by the U.S. Department of Energy.
... Stryker says plug-in solar took off in Germany once renters were allowed
to install the systems, and she sees the potential for a similar
trajectory in the United States.
State legislation which would overcome utility company opposition is under consideration in Utah and Virginia.
Actually this should probably be titled something like "domesticity at a quiet moment." The beasts are often not so settled. Erudite Partner can even read without interruption, not always the case.
... The Pentagon is telling Congress today an initial, partial tally of the monetary cost of the war (the cost in human lives, instability, and reputation is of course much higher): The first week of the war cost about $11.3 billion — an enormous number that is hard to even tally. To put that in context: It’s a number larger than the annual state budget of some 16 states, including Iowa or New Mexico and represents roughly the entire annual state budget of Nebraska, Oklahoma, or Alabama.
More than that, though, is how we as a nation spend money on war and “immigration enforcement” as if it’s endless, while skimping on all the expenses that actually help our fellow humans. We have already added this past year $150 billion to the defense budget — while destroying and dismantling the $35 billion we spent on the US Agency for International Development.
As I wrote and investigated a couple weeks ago, the $52 billion construction and procurement budget for Customs and Border Protection is so large that it represents more than the defense budgets of Hungary, Austria, the Czech Republic, Switzerland, Finland, Greece, Belgium, Romania, Denmark, and Norway combined.
The remaining money to spend this year that CBP has to spend equals the entire GDP of Estonia.
I think a lot in moments like this of the 1953 speech by Dwight Eisenhower about the cost of war versus peace.
“Every gun that is made, every warship launched, every rocket fired signifies, in the final sense, a theft from those who hunger and are not fed, those who are cold and are not clothed,” [President Dwight] Eisenhower told a group of newspaper editors. “This world in arms is not spending money alone. It is spending the sweat of its laborers, the genius of its scientists, the hopes of its children. The cost of one modern heavy bomber is this: a modern brick school in more than 30 cities. It is two electric power plants, each serving a town of 60,000 population. It is two fine, fully equipped hospitals. It is some fifty miles of concrete pavement. We pay for a single fighter with a half-million bushels of wheat. We pay for a single destroyer with new homes that could have housed more than 8,000 people.”
What could $11.3 billion have bought us if we spent it here at home? A few data points: We spent in the 2020-2021 school year a total of about $21 billion to feed near universal school lunches and breakfast across the country during the pandemic — a life-changing educational investment for children. Or today: $11.3 billion would cover putting 1.4 million on Medicaid or into affordable housing — that’s the entire population of New Hampshire or Maine.
Remember all of this the next time you hear a politician tell you there’s not enough money for this social safety program or that one. ...
I am confident we the people didn't make this grifting moron the president in the hope he'd crash our economic well-being. But here we are.
There's a tongue-in-cheek joke that our wars are how Americans learn what little we know about global geography. Apparently the Orange Toddler's latest Middle East atrocity is going to teach us about fertilizer.
... War has a way of exposing vulnerabilities that arise from interconnection. Four years ago, when Russia invaded Ukraine, the world gained a wrenching lesson in the geography of agriculture. Both countries were substantial sources of wheat and other grains. Shortages of bread soon emerged from West Africa to South Asia.
... “It’s bad — there’s no other way of putting it,” said Chris Lawson, vice president of market intelligence and prices at CRU Group, a London-based research and data firm focused on commodities. “The world is highly reliant on fertilizer and associated raw materials supplied out of that region.”
... The latest upheaval in the Middle East does not affect the harvesting of grain, but its impacts for fertilizer may be even more profound.
... Some view the evolving crisis confronting agriculture as a warning sign about excessive reliance on a handful of fertilizer producers to satisfy humanity’s need for calories.
... The situation is acute for American agriculture. President Trump’s tariffs had already raised the costs of imported fertilizer, forcing many farmers to hold off stocking up. The White House exempted fertilizers from its latest tariffs last month. But millions of tons of urea cannot quickly be summoned from points around the globe.
India is uniquely vulnerable, given that it traditionally buys some 40 percent of its urea and phosphate-based fertilizers from suppliers in the Middle East.
As the world seeks other sources, the most obvious alternative is China. But the Chinese government, seeking to cushion its own farmers from the very sort of geopolitical turmoil now at play, last year imposed restrictions on the export of fertilizers.
... A sustained rise in the cost of fertilizer could force governments in South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa to subsidize the cost of growing crops or otherwise watch food prices climb. That could add to debt burdens afflicting many lower-income countries.
... here’s the Guardian reporting on what that feels like to the people living there
Speaking
to the Guardian via voice notes, Negin – not her real name – an
activist and former political prisoner based in the central-east side of
the city, said the situation was “apocalyptic”.
“The situation is
so frightening it’s hard to describe. Smoke has covered the entire
city. I have severe shortness of breath and burning in my eyes and
throat, and many others feel the same. But people still have to go
outside because they have no choice. Many places reopened today, but
closed again because it’s impossible to stay outdoors.”
They also heard from a woman, Mehnaz, who wanted to flee after the initial strikes Saturday night.
Tehran
is burning. And smoke has filled the streets. It’s impossible to drive
out of the city right now and even with the windows closed, heavy smoke
is making its way inside … [I am] clueless whether to stay in or brave
the flames and drive out while it’s still on fire. I don’t even have a
mask.”
Fire and fury indeed -- to distract from probable child rape in the Epstein files?
There was a lot of life in those long years: wife and partner to Eddie Specht for over 70 of them, mother to three children in the 1950s, doting on many grandchildren and a great grandchild, faithfully seeking to encounter a living God through an Episcopal path, and abiding as a "deacon of the earth" always.
Emerging from Grosse Pointe, Michigan and Wellesley College, she gave so much in that life: founding a tutoring program for San Francisco Mission District kids that grew up to be Mission Graduates and also an international aid nonprofit, El Porvenir, which works with Nicaraguans to bring clean water to rural Nicaragua. To the last, she was engaged in civic activism with her Mill Valley community.
For many years, Liz and Ed lived on a boat in Alameda, California. You might notice that water was a theme in this life.
Working a winch on a catamaran off Belize in 2004
Riding a pony across a Nicaraguan stream in 2018
Pensive alongside the Mill Valley Cascade in 2025
Out for a short walk at the beginning of March 2026
She was gentle, curious, thoughtful, determined and sometimes fierce. Many loved her; she gave love to many.
