Democracy on the line

In the London Review of Books, discussing a study of contemporary civil conflicts, James Meek asks "What are you willing to do?" Yes, he is referring to the ongoing Republican insurrection against inclusive democracy.

One of the strange things about the reaction to the invasion of the Capitol was how few of those dismayed by it speculated that they might one day long for just such an assault to succeed. Might a different mob storm into Congress to save democracy, rather than attack it? If an autocrat who has stolen an election is about to have his trashing of American democracy hallowed by Congress, all other recourse having failed, shouldn’t Democrats – or democrats, at least – take direct action? Liberal opinion in North America and Western Europe has tended to be gung-ho about pro-democracy protesters storming ruling institutions in other countries, notably Ukraine in 2014. ... 

But it’s one thing to imagine, as [author Barbara] Walter encourages her readers to do, the gradual spread of white supremacist, anti-government terrorism across America against a democratic framework, until one day the progressive left, and the people of colour she suggests are likely to be targets of violence, arm and organise for self-protection. It’s another to wake up one morning and find that without any bloodshed or violence, without any seeming change in the smooth running of traffic signals and ATMs and supermarkets, without, even, an immediate wave of arrests or a clampdown on free speech, your country is run by somebody who took power illegally. Something must be done! But what, apart from venting on social media? And by whom? Me? ... Who, I wondered, would do for the truth what these [Capitol attackers] were ready to do for a lie?

Unfortunately a pertinent question. Because Joe Biden so clearly did win the presidency in 2020, in that year we didn't have to find out. But it would be a mistake to assume a seizure of power by Republican fascists sheltered by corrupted institutions might not be in our future. So who and what might stand in the way?

The grassroots progressive coalition consists of three pillars -- three semi-organized groups of people who work together in significant numbers who might act if need be. The strength and capacity of the various elements waxes and wanes, but I find thinking about this triad useful. I'm not alluding to elite media and academic writers and talkers here -- I'm assessing who might do something in an unfolding crisis. The elite elements will come along if we make space for them.

I envision the triad of democratic actors like this:

1) Organized labor. Yes, unions continue to dwindle, successfully neutered by aggressive bosses. But the desire for organization to humanize workplaces surges wherever and whenever it finds an opening. And most unionized workers are a progressive force, despite ugly exceptions like the cops.

And sometimes (cribbing from myself here) even national union leadership mobilizes its considerable remaining resources in defense of majority rule. In 2020, in the run-up to November 3, mass Zoom meetings of union staff and activists prepared for an attempt by Trump to steal the election. Union leaders aimed to create a disciplined cohort of leaders and members who could understand what was happening and be roused to turn out to defend the process. They never had to put the full plan into practice, but leaders of the hospitality union, UniteHERE, effectively protected the vote in contested Philadelphia by assembling a dance party in the streets around the count. They were ready to take to the streets in disciplined action.

2) Nonprofits. Yes, the non-governmental organization sector (the NGOs) is a morass of competing, overlapping, ideologically incoherent groups which sometimes amount to nothing more than tax shelters for the rich. Within this stew, however, people do experience community and develop bonds which are essential to engaged citizenship. The NGOs are the vessel for much progressive social capital; though the nonprofits, we channel our hope for better communities. Both Left and Right act through NGOs.

In 2020, various coalitions of progressive NGO forces sought to prepare for the worst. Alexander Burns described their preparations:

... Worried that Mr. Trump might use any unruly demonstrations as pretext for a federal crackdown of the kind seen last summer in Portland, Ore., progressives organized mass gatherings only sparingly and in highly choreographed ways after Nov. 3. In a year of surging political energy across the left and of record-breaking voter turnout, one side has stifled itself to an extraordinary degree during the precarious postelection period...

Stifling would not be the right course in James Meek's dystopian vision. Can the more functional NGOs get themselves together to lead disruptive, though tactically nonviolent, actions? The 2020 experience make this seem more possible than it might once have; for a season, the nonprofit activist sector resolved not to hang separately.

3) Democratic Party. Now there's a mess, too often a short-sighted aggregation of the mediocre and the power hungry -- except when it is something better. People who identify as Democrats really are a representative slice of the country's whole people, unlike Republicans who are becoming more and more just disgruntled, usually old, white people. In fortunate spaces and moments, the Democratic Party can be a vehicle for mass, principled activism: anyone remember Obama's 2008 campaign or notice the current Wisconsin Democratic Party trying to organize itself out of gerrymandered oblivion? Democrats can act as a mass progressive force when gifted with good leadership. And if we believe in democracy, the Democratic Party is what stands between us and white nationalist authoritarianism so we need to make the best of it. It is us, after all.

Enhancing any of these forces is doing the work of democracy in this embattled republic these days. And all of them have to be prepared to act if needed.