Jonathan V. Last of The Bulwark published one of his acerbic essays recently accompanied by this graphic:
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| Photo illustration by Sarah Rogers/The Bulwark |
I think we can take it that the image captures Last's disgust with the small town Americans whose views are described in the ethnographic study from the SNF Agora Institute at Johns Hopkins University which serves as his text. Based in deep interviews in small town Wyoming, Michigan and South Carolina, the study documents that many adults in these communities don't much like democracy -- in fact, they hate majority rule because they know their white nationalist moral understanding of the true and good is simply not shared by the national popular majority. Most of us live in cities, suburbs and along the coasts; we encounter a mix of people and thoughts; we are not from this sad white tribe.
.. Our participants believe the American republic was always conditional on a particular moral order that has now been lost, and a people who held enough in common to uphold this order together. ... Our participants' fear of "too much democracy" is, at its root, a fear that popular will or procedural legitimacy have become misaligned with and elevated above the moral order that should orient both. They believe popular will and procedural legitimacy are important, but can become illegitimate when they stray too far from or threaten the moral foundation. ...
... The conservatives we met share a moral framework that precedes and judges all other aspects of life, including democracy itself. It is organized around four pillars: Faith, Family, Freedom, and Place. The relative importance of these pillars varies across participants, with Faith often being particularly dominant. In our participants' view, these pillars constitute the core of a good and moral life. Democratic institutions, processes, and norms are evaluated against this moral foundation rather than abstract theories of how democracy should work.
This is not how most contemporary Americans think and believe; nor, approaching the 250th anniversary of the nation, are we willing to be confined in a moral framework from a self-consciously conservative rural minority. Most of us are not open to conversion to a cramped, ungenerous, orthodoxy of fear and decline. The people studied here respond to the majority's refusal to adopt their views by being down on our democracy; they know they are a dwindling minority faction.
The most telling anecdote in the study for me was this:
...Participants argue the left has captured the institutions that shape what Americans believe before they ever cast a vote: institutions such as K-12 schools, universities, media, and public health, have all become vectors for pushing progressive values. Clint (70s, MI) and his wife call it the "raging river," a cultural current so powerful it has pulled their own children from faith and conservative values into an amoral progressive agenda, fracturing their family in the process. ...
This ethnographic study describes a set of America's losers.
And the subjects of this study are all too aware and resentful of their loser identity. They wish they were not a minority, but they know they are.
Obviously, this hurts and makes such people fodder for charlatans promising impossibilities -- for Donald Trump.
JVL worries that this recalcitrant minority, though it's huckster champion, is sinking the Constitutional ship.
... I’m not sure how Democrats win over a voter who’s motivated not by unemployment, or the the Iranian nuclear program, or the price of eggs—but is rather lashing out because they’re angry that their children rejected their political views.
We are firmly out of the realm of policy here. Or reality, even. So long as there is a trans activist in San Francisco posting on BlueSky, these people will be aggrieved. Even if their preferred political party holds the presidency, controls Congress, and has an openly corrupt majority in the Supreme Court. Domination of the political system is not enough; they want the people who disgust them to disappear.
And—this is the key—the moral revulsion the participants in the study exhibit overrides their commitments to democratic processes and the liberal order. If “democracy” produces anything they dislike, then they are ready to be done with democracy.
... This is not a new motivating force in American politics. And I don’t know what the cure for it might be. ...
I respond to that -- nothing in our history suggests that there is any easy cure, but we know what its elements might be: broad prosperity and opportunity available to a majority ... coupled with time. Throughout our history, the children have gone off in their own directions, whether physically to the western frontier or toward the "evil" cities. Trump's base of losers is having a very American experience in this our 250th year. But they remain an unhappy minority of losers ...
• • •
Is the Agora study or Last's diatribe against the rubes really any different than the much-mocked "mainstream" media's dispatch of correspondents to chat with rural Americans in coffee shops? I have a hard time seeing a difference.
• • •
In the NY Times, David Wallace Wells [gift article] provides a different, and I think more accurate, assessment of this cultural MAGA moment under the Trump regime. In the majority, we're not willing to allow imagination and hope to be suppressed by MAGA's nostalgia for an imagined past.
... It’s been a while since anyone talked in such triumphalist terms about MAGA’s cultural victory — maybe since the time that the people of Minneapolis essentially repelled the Immigration and Customs Enforcement units that had descended on their city. The cruel kids’ table is not nearly as crowded anymore, and those lingering at it look to the rest of the country more like monstrous radicals or opportunistic grifters than anything that might be called a political vanguard for the entire country.
The podcasters who once played the role of MAGA intellectuals have revealed themselves as political weather vanes, separating themselves from the president on one issue after another, and even if Mr. Trump’s evangelical base remains mostly loyal, Republicans keep getting clobbered in special elections. Tech accelerationism is still minting unimaginable fortunes but has also generated populist rage against artificial intelligence and data centers that probably counts as the biggest grass-roots backlash since at least Occupy and the Tea Party. The assassination of Charlie Kirk — which seemed at first to produce a MAGA martyr, initiating a generation of young conservatives almost as a frat house would a new class of pledges — has given way instead to crises and infighting in conservative media. Surveys show that Gen Z remains our most progressive generation.
... Eighteen months later, we can say that if that first vibe shift was real, it’s been followed by another, in the opposite direction, with the bottom falling out of Mr. Trump’s second term and his administration looking again like the same old destructive kakistocracy. But another way of looking at the disarray of the second MAGA era is to consider the possibility that it was always at least partly an illusion, jointly conjured up by self-aggrandizing Republicans and self-lacerating liberals. We haven’t even hit the midterms yet, and the prospect of an enduring MAGA majority doesn’t look like the natural path of the American future. It looks like a projection from the recent past, already fading. ...
This July 4th, the majority continues to reveal that MAGA is a dwindling fraction, not an enduring "real" America. Most of us reject MAGA's terrified vision.
I am a little shocked by the optimism that thinking about these several articles has let loose in me. Let's get on with making what democracy can of this country!








